Sunday, November 8, 2026

Trump Ends Military Aid To Israel: America Walking Away Or Setting Israel Free?


Trump Ends Military Aid To Israel: America Walking Away Or Setting Israel Free?
PNW STAFF


For decades, American military aid to Israel has been presented as one of the strongest symbols of Washington's commitment to the Jewish state. Now President Donald Trump says that arrangement is coming to an end.

The United States, Trump announced, will stop providing Israel with approximately $3.8 billion in annual military assistance beginning in 2027. His explanation was surprisingly simple: Israel has become so successful that it no longer needs the money.

For some, the announcement raises troubling questions. Is America distancing itself from Israel? Is the political alliance weakening? Could Israel find itself increasingly isolated as hostility toward the Jewish state grows within both American political parties?

But there is another possibility worth considering.

What if ending American military aid actually makes Israel stronger, more independent, and less vulnerable to political pressure from Washington?

The answer may be more complicated than either supporters or critics initially realize.

The Aid That Was Never Really Free

One of the most misunderstood aspects of American assistance to Israel is where the money actually goes.

Under the existing agreement, most military financing must be spent purchasing American-made weapons and defense equipment. In 2026, approximately 92% of that financing is designated for American products, rising to 100% by 2028.

That means billions flow back into American defense companies, supporting American manufacturing, jobs, technological development, and production capacity.

Israel receives sophisticated military equipment, certainly. But the United States receives substantial economic benefits while strengthening a strategically important ally.

This is not simply American generosity. It is an arrangement serving both countries' interests.

There is another benefit to Washington, however, that rarely receives the same attention: influence.

When one country depends upon another for military assistance, the supplying nation gains considerable leverage over its ally's decisions.

And Israel knows firsthand what that leverage can look like.


During the Biden administration, Washington paused a shipment of heavy bombs to Israel in 2024 over concerns about Israeli military operations in Rafah.

The administration argued that its actions were necessary to protect Palestinian civilians. Israeli officials, meanwhile, faced the reality that crucial military supplies could become entangled in disagreements over how Israel conducted its war against Hamas.

Regardless of one's assessment of the Rafah operation, the underlying vulnerability was unmistakable.

An Israeli government could determine that a military operation was essential to national security, only to discover that an American administration disagreed and was willing to use weapons deliveries as leverage.

This raises a fundamental question: Should Israel's ability to defend itself depend upon the political preferences of whoever occupies the White House?

Ending annual military grants would not eliminate American influence. Israel would still depend on U.S. suppliers for aircraft, spare parts, munitions, and other advanced systems. Washington could still restrict arms sales or delay export approvals.

But reducing financial dependency could remove one important instrument of political pressure.

For a nation surrounded by enemies and facing recurring threats to its existence, greater freedom to make its own security decisions has considerable value.

Israel Is No Longer The Israel Of Yesterday

Trump's statement that Israel no longer needs American assistance reflects an extraordinary transformation.

Israel was once a relatively poor nation struggling to survive against much larger regional adversaries.

Today, it possesses one of the world's most sophisticated military forces, a highly developed technology sector, advanced intelligence capabilities, and a globally competitive defense industry.

Israeli innovations in missile defense, cybersecurity, drones, intelligence systems, and battlefield technology have benefited not only Israel but American national security as well.

The relationship increasingly resembles a partnership between two technologically advanced military powers rather than a wealthy patron supporting a helpless dependent.

Nevertheless, there are legitimate concerns about ending assistance too quickly.

Israel faces extraordinary defense expenses, particularly after years of regional conflict. Replacing billions in annual financing would place additional pressure on its defense budget. American aircraft and weapons systems cannot simply be replaced overnight with Israeli alternatives.

A sudden cutoff could also complicate long-term procurement planning and raise questions about future joint missile-defense funding.

These concerns deserve answers, not dismissal.


The strongest argument for greater Israeli independence is not that American military assistance has become worthless. It is that Israel should develop the capacity to defend itself without depending on the continued generosity of an increasingly unpredictable American political system.




Russia, US and China Discuss Agenda for Possible Leaders’ Meeting Ahead of APEC Summit – Kremlin


Russia, US and China Discuss Agenda for Possible Leaders’ Meeting Ahead of APEC Summit – Kremlin
Sputnik


Russia, the US and China are drafting proposals on the agenda ahead of the APEC summit in China, Russian presidential spokesman Dmitry Peskov said.


"Some issues may be a priority for one side but considered entirely inappropriate by another. Therefore, a certain consensus needs to be reached. If the sides manage to find common ground and the meeting does take place, it will be a very important discussion that will attract the attention of the entire world, without exaggeration," Dmitry Peskov told Russian media.
The APEC summit will be held in Shenzhen, China, on November 18-19.

No security agreement talks have taken place between Russia and Europe, as Europeans cannot agree on a negotiator
Putin will attend the CSTO summit next week
Putin will hold international meetings and a Russian Security Council meeting next week
It is too early to discuss whether Putin might travel to Miami for the G20 summit in December




Tehran’s outreach to Moscow opens space for a deal that could protect Iranian interests and give Washington a political win.


Iran won’t surrender. Can Russia give Trump another way out?
RT


On November 5, Russian President Vladimir Putin met with Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council of Iran Mohsen Rezaei in the Kremlin during the official’s working visit to Moscow. According to the Kremlin, the two sides discussed the development of bilateral cooperation under the Treaty on Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, as well as international and regional issues, with a particular focus on the situation in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The Kremlin also confirmed that Rezaei conveyed a message from the Supreme Leader of Iran Mojtaba Khamenei.

The fact that the meeting was also attended by Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov and Head of the Main Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces Igor Kostyukov is quite notable. While the details of the conversation have not been disclosed, Kostyukov’s presence suggests that the discussions likely extended beyond political relations to include urgent security matters, which are of paramount concern for Iran.

Rezaei is an influential figure in Iran’s military and political landscape. As the former commander-in-chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), he has a strong reputation in military circles; he also has longstanding ties to influential clerics. Rezaei’s appointment as Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and the task entrusted to him – that of personally delivering Khamenei’s message to Vladimir Putin – indicate the high level of trust placed in him by the Supreme Leader of Iran.

Therefore, his trip to Moscow carries substantial weight. Rezaei advocates for a robust strategic alignment between Iran, Russia, and China, viewing these relationships as crucial for Iran’s security and independent foreign policy. His visit reaffirms that the strengthening of ties with Moscow is supported at the highest level in Tehran.

Another important aspect is the speed with which Rezaei arrived in Moscow. A phone call between Putin and Rezaei occurred on November 2, and just three days later, it was followed by the in-person meeting, in the course of which the message from the Supreme Leader was delivered.

Mohsen Rezaei’s visit to Moscow takes on special significance amid evolving US-Russia relations. Trump explained his decision not to impose new sanctions on Russia by the desire not to disrupt negotiations over Ukraine. Washington is interested in maintaining dialogue with Moscow, and Russia is also open to dialogue. However, Russia has no intention of sacrificing its relationship with Tehran. Russia’s public reception of the Iranian envoy sends a clear message to those who hope that the warming ties between Russia and the US might come at Iran’s expense or that Russia may abandon its interests to please the White House. The message is clear: Moscow will choose its partners independently, and its relationship with Tehran holds intrinsic value. For the Iranian leadership, this meeting represents an opportunity to reaffirm mutual interest in collaboration and discuss how to advance it in the current circumstances.


There’s also a pragmatic aspect. As Russia’s role in the Iran issue becomes more prominent, there are more reasons for Moscow to be involved in the resolution of the conflict. On October 21, President Putin expressed Russia’s readiness to assist in addressing the crisis surrounding Iran. High-level contacts with Tehran lend weight to this statement ahead of possible negotiations: discussions are underway regarding a meeting between leaders, including Putin and Trump, on the sidelines of the APEC summit, which will be held on November 18-19.

Russia has the means to facilitate a resolution, and the absence of mutual defense obligations with Iran doesn’t negate that capacity. Moscow maintains ties with Tehran while also engaging with Washington. This position enables Russia to act as a mediator and allows it to offer a platform for talks, which Iran is keen to pursue, as achieving lasting peace is crucial for avoiding further military action. 

Russian mediation could also prove beneficial for Washington. Moscow may help the two sides form agreements that allow Iran to safeguard its interests while giving Trump a diplomatic win to present to the American public. This would require both sides to be open to compromise, but there is still room for diplomacy.

Additional opportunities emerge as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu loses his political standing. Netanyahu has been the main driver of the strategy of military pressure on Iran and the involvement of the US in the conflict. Following the elections, however, he faces a real threat of losing his position: Gadi Eisenkot holds an edge in the race to form a new government. While a shift in power isn’t guaranteed just yet, Netanyahu’s situation has certainly become more precarious. His departure wouldn’t resolve the underlying tensions between Israel and Iran, but it might alleviate some of the pressure on Washington. 

Against this backdrop, Rezaei’s visit to Moscow takes on significant meaning. It signals Tehran’s reliance on Russia as its primary political partner and a potential ally that may help resolve the crisis. For Moscow, this represents an opportunity to strengthen its ties with Iran and advocate for solutions that align with its own security interests in the region.


Israel's political showdown begins:


Israel's political showdown begins: Eisenkot to get mandate as new Knesset prepares for power struggle


With President Isaac Herzog set to formally task Gadi Eisenkot with forming Israel's next government, the political system is entering a period of intense activity. After a lengthy election campaign, and despite continued uncertainty over whether a government can be formed and what it might look like, the coming week should begin to provide answers to some of the questions hanging over Israeli politics. Early developments could offer clues about the country's future direction.

The first and most significant milestone will come Sunday, when Herzog is expected to follow through on his announcement and formally grant Eisenkot the mandate to form a government. Although the Yashar! chairman has secured 67 parliamentary endorsements, his chances of completing the task remain uncertain. Herzog held consultations with party representatives to assess the depth of opposition between and within the political blocs before deciding that Eisenkot had the strongest prospects. Nevertheless, Eisenkot remains far from assembling a government.

Once he receives the mandate, Eisenkot will have 28 days to form a coalition. If he fails, he can ask Herzog for an additional 14 days. At that stage, the president could intervene and attempt to facilitate the formation of a national unity government.

If Eisenkot ultimately fails, the mandate is expected to pass to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for another 28 days. Netanyahu's prospects of forming a government are considered even weaker. If he, too, fails to announce that he has succeeded, the mandate is expected to pass to the Knesset, where any lawmaker who secures the support of 61 members could form a government. Political figures believe that if Herzog were to consider granting Netanyahu a pardon as a means of resolving the political deadlock, it would happen during this final stage, when the mandate rests with the Knesset.

Over the weekend, divisions within the bloc seeking to replace Netanyahu became more pronounced. Eisenkot wants to swear in a 48-member government consisting exclusively of the four parties in his bloc, with the Arab parties and United Torah Judaism abstaining from the confidence vote. United Torah Judaism had declined to recommend Netanyahu for the mandate, but the Haredi parties would still demand commitments on a compromise over military conscription in exchange for abstaining.

Yisrael Beytenu chairman Avigdor Liberman opposes Eisenkot's proposal because it would produce a government dependent on the Arab parties. At the same time, Liberman has lifted his previous boycott of the Haredi parties and is pushing for a 61-seat coalition consisting of the anti-Netanyahu bloc together with United Torah Judaism and Shas. The chances of Shas abandoning Netanyahu, however, are considered virtually nonexistent.




Vladimir Putin Welcomes Top Iran Security Official To The Kremlin


Vladimir Putin Welcomes Top Iran Security Official with Message from Missing ‘Supreme Leader’



Russian strongman Vladimir Putin welcomed the head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, Mohsen Rezaei, to the Kremlin on Thursday, receiving a message allegedly from missing “supreme leader” Mojtaba Khamenei.

Both Iranian state media and the Kremlin news service confirmed the meeting and delivery of the message, but neither offered any details about the secret message. The Kremlin shared the general topics discussed between Rezaei and Putin, but did not offer any specifics or any indication that the Russian leader was offering Iran material support outside of its usual friendly diplomatic and economic relations with Tehran.

A report following the meeting did claim that the Russians had agreed to help resupply Iran with missile launchers, which the country is reportedly in need of after the United States reportedly carried out airstrikes against missile infrastructure on Iran’s Qeshm island this week. Those reports claimed that the missile launchers had already been promised in a years-old bilateral agreement and simply recently delivered rather than constituting an entirely new agreement to send military equipment to Iran.

The state-run Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) reported that Rezaei had held a phone conversation with Putin before arriving in Moscow this week in which he “emphasized the importance of continued strategic cooperation between Iran and Russia.”

He later allegedly delivered a letter by “Mojtaba Khamenei” to Putin. Khamenei is the son of Ali Khamenei, the former longtime dictator of Iran who was eliminated in an American airstrike in the beginning of Operation Epic Fury in February. The younger Khamenei was swiftly declared the new “supreme leader” but has not been seen in public since, nor has he issued any video or audio messages or been seen in recent photos, leading observers to question whether he is truly in command of the country.

The Kremlin readout of the meeting between Putin and Rezaei closely resembled the IRNA coverage of the event, adding some information about the topics of conversation.

“The discussion focused on the current state of bilateral relations and their development outlook in accordance with the Treaty on Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Russia and Iran,” the Kremlin shared, “as well as issues on the international and regional agenda, specifically the situation in the Gulf region and the Middle East as a whole.”