David vs. Goliath: How China and Taiwan's militaries shape up as Xi Jinping tells Beijing's troops to prepare for 'real combat'

David vs. Goliath: How China and Taiwan's militaries shape up as Xi Jinping tells Beijing's troops to prepare for 'real combat' while Joe Biden claims US will defend the island from invasion

DAVID AVERRE and SAMUEL CRANNY-EVANS

China last weekend conducted large-scale military exercises which simulated a complete naval blockade of Taiwan - the latest in a string of aggressive war games.

Beijing's military described the threatening exercises as a warning to the self-governing island nation, declaring in a statement: 'The theatre's troops are ready to fight at all times and can fight at any time to resolutely smash any form of ''Taiwan independence'' and foreign interference attempts.' 

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees Taiwan as a renegade province to be brought back under Beijing's control - something the authoritarian president Xi Jinping has said he's willing to do by force. 

But Taiwan's elected Democratic Progressive Party steadfastly argues it presides over a self-governing, democratic, capitalist society with overwhelming support from its people. 

Taiwan has long been allied with the US and has a bristling military arsenal equipped with state-of-the-art American air and sea defence systems, manned by highly trained troops.

But the island's landmass and military might are simply dwarfed by the behemoth that is China and the People's Liberation Army (PLA). 

Here, MailOnline examines the discrepancies between Beijing and Taipei's armed forces and explores how a potential invasion of the island by President Xi's troops could play out. 

Taipei's army, navy and air force are among some of the most highly trained, technologically advanced and well equipped in the world.

But China's massive population and vast resources mean Beijing's military holds the advantage across every conceivable metric.

In terms of sheer numbers, China currently maintains a whopping 2 million active service personnel, far outnumbering Taiwan's comparatively paltry 170,000-180,000 troops, according to the latest 2023 figures published by Global Firepower. 

Taipei does maintain a substantial reservist force, and in December president Tsai announced a revamp of her country's defence policies to extend mandatory national service and beef up military reserves amid Chinese aggression.

But Beijing's active service personnel still outnumber Taiwan's entire military and reserve forces combined. And of course, the CCP has more than 600 million citizens of military age, fit-for-service citizens from which it could theoretically source new troops endlessly.

In the air and sea, it's the same story.

China's fleet of military aircraft totals 3,166 of which more than 1,000 are dedicated fighter aircraft, while Taiwan can only muster 737 aircraft in total.

And Beijing can deploy 730 naval vessels, including two huge aircraft carriers from which they can launch aerial assaults, 78 submarines and 50 destroyers. 

Taipei in comparison has just four destroyers and submarines. 

What would a Chinese attack on Taiwan look like?

There are two scenarios that defence analysts tend to settle on when thinking about China's military options against Taiwan. 

The first is a naval blockade - a tactic which would represent an enormous challenge for an island nation like Taiwan that is reliant upon its ports for survival as only 35 per cent of its food is produced domestically.

Taiwan is within easy reach of the PLA Air Force, and China's navy would be capable of encircling the island as demonstrated in last week's simulated blockade. 

Beijing's warships operate a large quantity of anti-ship cruise missiles that would pose a major threat to Taiwan's naval forces. China can also equip its fighter planes with various weapons designed to take out naval vessels, while the country's land-based rocket forces wield the mighty DF-26B - which has a range of up to 2,500 miles.

The Chinese navy would likely launch dozens of missiles in salvos designed to arrive at the target location simultaneously while preventing any military or humanitarian aid from reaching Taiwan by sea.

This tactic would enable Xi's armed forces to deny Taiwan the vital food and minerals that the island relies upon, whilst simultaneously presenting a defensive nightmare for Taipei and any of its partners trying to break the blockade. The goal would be to coerce Taiwan into accepting China's will.

The second scenario is the one which sees China's vast army embark on an amphibious invasion of Taiwan in a similar fashion to the D-Day landings. 

This scenario, which might happen as an extension of the naval blockade, would include an extensive preparatory period that Beijing would be unable to hide. An invasion would require – at a conservative estimate – between half a million, and a million personnel, as well as the transport ships to get them to Taiwan.

At some point, the airspace over the Taiwan Strait would be closed and China's army, air force, and navy would begin a massed air and missile attack. 

Cruise and ballistic missiles would be directed at Taiwan's air defences, logistics hubs, airfields, and government buildings in the hope of decapitating its ability to maintain and coordinate resistance.

At the same time, China and Taiwan's air forces – those Taiwanese aircraft that survive the initial bombardment – would take to the skies in an attempt to defeat each other. Once the PLA's leadership was satisfied that Taiwan's defences had been sufficiently softened, it would begin the invasion in earnest. 

The first wave may well include helicopter-borne special forces as well as the PLA Airborne Forces, which have their own armoured vehicles (APCs) designed to be parachuted into combat, and would likely consist of soldiers from the Chinese army's Eastern Theatre Command as well as the Marine Corps.

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