RT
The evolution of the Ukraine crisis has had paradoxical consequences. Two years since the most acute phase began, Western Europe has found itself at the spearhead of the confrontation.
Not only in terms of the costs it has incurred – which have been discussed from the very beginning. Now the possibility of a military conflict with Russia is being raised much more loudly in the Old World than on the other side of the Atlantic, and France is the instigator.
Macron’s statement on the possibility of sending NATO troops into the war zone seemed spontaneous to many. But a week later, Paris insisted it was deliberate and well thought-out.
For many years, France has been calling for the EU to think about “strategic autonomy,” but few expected this version of its realisation.
Where does this fearlessness come from? It seems that previously the constant incantation was to prevent NATO from being drawn into a direct, nuclear conflict with Russia. And now, suddenly, Paris is talking about “strategic ambiguity,” about a cunning game to confuse Russian President Vladimir Putin and make him afraid to take decisions because of possible irreversible consequences. Let him be afraid of the next steps, not us.
This is not yet being repeated in other major capitals, but a group of countries ready to cross swords with Moscow is beginning to take shape.
Ambiguity is a familiar theme, and Russia is no stranger to it in this campaign. From the outset, Moscow’s goals have been more descriptive than concrete, and they remain so. When the question of the mobility of borders is raised publicly from the highest tribunes, Europeans who have fought each other for centuries on the basis of this very mobility interpret it in a purely expansionist spirit. And although in our case we are talking specifically about the borders that divided a culturally and historically unified territory following the collapse of the USSR, the expansionist interpretation of the external audience is understandable.
Western European ambiguity is likely to mean stepping up the substantial military assistance to Ukraine without announcing it, but also without hiding the growing signs. The risks are considerable because there is no reason to believe that Russia would somehow refrain from responding if it saw reason to do so.
The fear of Russia is not new in Western Europe, and is in its own way historically very sincere, so we should not write it off. All the more so because, after the Cold War, Europe collectively believed we could forget the previous problems with a clear conscience. But here we are again.
However, we dare to suggest that the current Western European reaction and the escalation of the Russian threat are also linked to another factor: the realisation that it is the EU that could be the main loser in the ongoing conflict.
The gap between the demands of the population and the priorities of the political class is widening, according to opinion polls. Added to that, it’s unclear what to expect from the senior partner over in Washington. It turns out that ambiguity is everywhere, and there is nothing left but to make it the core of one’s policy. And insist on it.
On the eve of the Russian presidential election, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov invited EU ambassadors to a meeting, but they refused.
According to him, Moscow has enough information about how the diplomatic missions of European countries are “preparing” for the election, creating projects to support the non-systemic opposition and interfering in the internal affairs of our country. At the planned meeting, Lavrov intended to advise foreign diplomats in good faith not to engage in such activities, especially since embassies have no right to carry out such projects.
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